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Home»BLOGS»A new script for South Asia
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A new script for South Asia

Uzma EhtashamBy Uzma EhtashamMay 24, 2025Updated:May 25, 2025No Comments5 Mins Read0 Views
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By Uzma Ehtasham

In a world where global power has grown diffused and increasingly complicated, clinging to the covert scripts of a bygone era no longer guarantees influence. The intelligence agencies that once thrived in the shadows — the CIA, Mossad, RAW — built their reputations on secrecy, interference, and manipulation. But that old geopolitical theatre is falling apart. The stage has changed, the audience has changed, and most importantly, the actors have changed. And yet, India appears to have missed this cue. New realities are unfolding across South Asia, and they do not favor the old ways. Nowhere is this more evident than in Afghanistan, where India’s quiet but persistent ambition to shape outcomes through backdoor diplomacy and intelligence channels has all but collapsed.

While Delhi continues to speak the language of strategic influence, the region around it is writing a new narrative—one shaped by cooperation, infrastructure, and shared regional security. This new consensus is being crafted not in Washington or Tel Aviv, but in Beijing, Islamabad, and increasingly, Kabul. The recent trilateral meeting in Beijing between the foreign ministers of China, Pakistan, and Afghanistan marked more than another round of formal diplomacy. It was not merely a photo opportunity designed for headlines or high-level optics. It represented a turning point — a firm and public signal that the region is willing to chart its own course without relying on old power structures or distant patrons. The commitment to extend the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) into Afghanistan is more than an engineering blueprint.

It is a political declaration that development, not division, will shape South Asia’s future. The three foreign ministers — Ishaq Dar of Pakistan, Wang Yi of China, and Amir Khan Muttaqi of Afghanistan — came together not to issue threats or draw red lines but to offer a vision grounded in stability, connectivity, and pragmatism. In particular, the agreement between Pakistan and Afghanistan to restore full diplomatic relations after a prolonged period of estrangement is a breakthrough that would have seemed impossible only a year ago. For two neighbors burdened by history and suspicion, the appointment of full-time ambassadors signals a willingness to move beyond grievance and towards governance. China, with its measured tone and carefully chosen words, played the role of facilitator rather than hegemon. Its decision to formally recognize the Taliban-appointed ambassador in Kabul and to post a full envoy long before others did speaks volumes about its approach.

It is not driven by ideology or global missionary ambitions, but by interests rooted in regional stability and economic opportunity. Unlike the West, which too often ties recognition to impossible political conditions, China has chosen realism — a path that may offend purists, but one that earns credibility in the region. Security remains a shared concern. Terrorism, which knows no borders and respects no treaties, still threatens to unravel progress. Yet this meeting did not turn into a blame game. Instead, the three sides acknowledged that differences exist and must be managed through dialogue. They pledged to increase cooperation and share intelligence — not with outside powers, but among themselves. That the sixth round of talks will be held in Kabul is significant.

It suggests not only a rotation of host nations but a rotation of power — symbolic of a shift away from dependency and toward local stewardship of peace and security. This emerging trilateralism offers a new model for regional diplomacy. It is one that India, still trapped in the reflexes of Cold War realpolitik, has struggled to understand. The frustration is evident. India’s exclusion from this forum is not due to oversight but design. Its longstanding resistance to engaging with the Taliban-led government, coupled with its history of aligning with Western narratives in the region, has left it isolated at a moment when inclusivity has become a geopolitical asset. CPEC’s proposed expansion into Afghanistan could be a game changer for the region’s economy.

For a country that has suffered decades of conflict and sanctions, the arrival of trade routes, investment, and energy corridors could mean more than economic recovery. It could represent political stabilization, social development, and, perhaps, a future defined more by bridges than by bunkers. But this future is not guaranteed. It depends on continuity, infrastructure, and above all, trust — a resource often more scarce than capital. China’s presence in this evolving story remains critical. Its consistent support of Pakistan, especially during its economic struggles, has been more than rhetorical.

China has stood by its commitments, from infrastructure to energy, and is now inviting other nations to participate in CPEC’s second phase. This openness is not just about inclusion but about reshaping the political geography of South Asia. India, Israel and the United States must now confront a region that is no longer willing to be choreographed by distant capitals. New alliances are forming, new dialogues are taking root, and new aspirations are driving policy. For India, the challenge is clear: adapt or be left behind. This is not a region waiting to be saved or shaped from the outside. It is one beginning to write its own story — with its own voice, its own priorities, and its own future.

(The writer is a public health professional, journalist, and possesses expertise in health communication, having keen interest in national and international affairs, can be reached at uzma@metro-morning.com)

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Uzma Ehtasham

Miss Uzma Ehtasham is seasoned Public Health Professional, and authored of two international publications, now been one of the contributors for Metro Morning. She has a keen interest in national and international affairs, can be reached at uzma@metro-morning.com

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