Elections in Bangladesh have seldom resembled the quiet, procedural exercises in democracy that political theorists might idealize. More often, they have unfolded as high-stakes confrontations, bitterly fought and freighted with history. Power has tended to swing not as part of a gradual democratic rhythm but as the outcome of contests that leave institutions strained and society divided. Against that backdrop, the emphatic return of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party to power after two decades marks a moment of unusual consequence — not only for Dhaka but for a region where political tremors are rarely contained within national borders.
The scale of the victory on 12 February was striking. For supporters of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, it represented vindication after years in opposition. For its opponents, particularly the Awami League, it was a sobering reminder of the volatility of electoral politics in a country shaped by liberation, rivalry and unresolved grievances. Yet beyond the arithmetic of seats lies a more delicate question: what kind of political culture will accompany this transfer of power?
In his first public remarks as prime minister-in-waiting, Tarique Rahman adopted a tone that surprised even seasoned observers. Speaking in Dhaka, he called for a “safe and humane Bangladesh” and urged his supporters to resist any drift towards “revenge or retaliation”. In a polity where the language of victory has often been accompanied by the settling of scores, the emphasis on restraint carried weight. It suggested an awareness that triumph can easily curdle into hubris, and that institutions already tested by years of polarization cannot afford further strain.
Rahman’s decision to congratulate all 51 parties that contested the election, including Jamaat-e-Islami, was equally telling. It hinted at a recognition that durable governance in Bangladesh demands more than parliamentary majorities. It requires a degree of accommodation among rivals who, for decades, have treated politics as an existential struggle. The rivalry between the BNP and the Awami League has often defined public life, shaping narratives of legitimacy and loyalty. To move beyond that zero-sum dynamic will demand more than conciliatory rhetoric. It will require institutional guarantees that opposition voices can function without intimidation and that dissent is not equated with disloyalty.
The domestic challenges confronting the incoming administration are formidable. Bangladesh’s economic story in recent decades has been one of notable growth, driven by its garment exports and a resilient diaspora. Yet the global shocks of recent years have exposed structural vulnerabilities. Inflation has eroded purchasing power for ordinary households. Pressure on foreign exchange reserves has constrained policy choices. Weaknesses in the banking sector, long discussed in private and occasionally acknowledged in public, have underscored the need for regulatory reform. Addressing these issues will demand technocratic competence as much as political will.
Here, the promise of depoliticisation assumes particular significance. Successive governments have been accused by critics of leaning on state institutions — from the judiciary to law enforcement — in ways that blur the line between governance and partisanship. If Rahman’s appeal for restraint is to be more than symbolic, it must be reflected in appointments, procedures and transparent oversight. Courts must be seen to adjudicate without fear or favor. Police and administrative bodies must operate as instruments of the state rather than extensions of a party apparatus. Only then can confidence be restored among citizens who have grown wary of the costs of political oscillation.
For Pakistan, these developments are not a matter of distant observation. The two countries share a complex history and enduring cultural affinities, shaped by language, migration and a common South Asian inheritance. Both are members of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, a forum that has too often been paralyzed by broader geopolitical tensions. A more stable Bangladesh, anchored in institutional reform and economic revival, would strengthen the prospects for regional cooperation that has long been discussed but seldom realized.
There is practical substance to that possibility. Bangladesh’s textile industry is among the most dynamic in the developing world; Pakistan’s own textile sector faces the pressures of competition and the need for technological upgrading. Collaboration in supply chains, research and skills development could yield mutual gains. Educational exchanges, cultural programs and digital partnerships offer further avenues for engagement. Such initiatives require predictability — the assurance that policy will not lurch with each electoral cycle and that commercial disputes can be resolved within credible legal frameworks.
At the same time, regional stability depends not only on economic pragmatism but on political moderation. South Asia remains one of the world’s most densely populated and politically sensitive regions. When democratic processes falter in one country, the repercussions are felt elsewhere, whether through migration pressures, disrupted trade or heightened diplomatic tensions. A peaceful and credible transition in Dhaka therefore carries symbolic weight. It signals that even in a landscape marked by rivalry, ballots can prevail over confrontation. Yet caution is warranted. Words spoken in the flush of victory are easier than the sustained discipline of governance. The temptation to consolidate power swiftly, to reward loyalists and sideline critics, is a familiar one in political systems where trust is thin.
The test for the incoming government will lie not in its first speeches but in its first decisions. Will opposition leaders be allowed space to organize and criticize without fear? Will independent media operate without undue constraint? Will economic reform be pursued transparently, even when it risks alienating entrenched interests? For Pakistan, a measured and respectful approach will be essential. Expressions of goodwill and offers of cooperation should be framed in terms of mutual benefit rather than historical sentimentality. The past between the two nations is complicated; the future, if it is to be constructive, must rest on sovereign equality and practical collaboration. A Bangladesh focused on reconciliation at home is better placed to engage confidently abroad.
In the end, the true beneficiaries of a more stable chapter in Bangladesh will be its citizens. They are the ones who bear the brunt of inflation, institutional weakness and political brinkmanship. If unity begins to displace retribution, and governance is allowed to eclipse grievance, the country could consolidate the gains of its economic ascent while repairing the fissures of its political culture. For the wider region — Pakistan included — that would represent not merely a diplomatic opportunity but a welcome reaffirmation that democratic renewal, however turbulent its path, remains possible in South Asia.
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