The quiet removal of Kamran Tessori from the Governor’s House in Karachi has reopened an old political question that has lingered over Sindh’s urban politics for years: whether the Muttahida Qaumi Movement–Pakistan still holds enough influence to retain the symbolic and strategic offices it once considered its natural domain. Tessori’s departure was neither dramatic nor ceremonially marked, yet its political significance runs deeper than the manner in which it occurred. In many ways, it reflects a steady shift in the balance of power that has been unfolding in Karachi and across Sindh for more than a decade.
The episode inevitably recalls the departure of Dr Ishratul Ibad in 2016, who had served as governor for an unprecedented 14 years. Ibad’s tenure began in 2002 and continued through several political transitions, making him one of the most enduring figures in the province’s modern political history. His removal at the time signaled the gradual weakening of the MQM’s hold over Karachi’s political institutions. Now, nearly a decade later, Tessori’s exit appears to echo that earlier moment, raising the possibility that the party’s era of occupying the governor’s office may have come to an end.
What makes the parallel more striking is the political pattern surrounding both departures. In each case, the outgoing MQM-backed governor was replaced by a figure associated with the Pakistan Muslim League–Nawaz. In 2016 it was the late former chief justice Saeeduzzaman Siddiqi, and now the position has been handed to Nehal Hashmi, a long-time PML-N loyalist from Karachi. While such developments may be dismissed as coincidence in the fluid arena of Pakistani politics, they nevertheless suggest a reconfiguration of alliances in which the MQM-P appears increasingly sidelined.
Nehal Hashmi’s political journey is itself notable. A lawyer by profession and a seasoned party worker, he built his reputation as an unwavering supporter of former prime minister Nawaz Sharif. At one stage, his outspoken criticism of the judiciary during the tenure of chief justice Saqib Nisar cost him dearly, resulting in legal consequences that temporarily derailed his political career. Yet within the PML-N he remained a trusted figure, known for his loyalty and organisational discipline. His appointment as governor may therefore be seen not only as a political placement but also as a form of rehabilitation.
The challenge before Hashmi now is less about occupying the office and more about navigating the delicate political environment of Sindh. The provincial government remains firmly in the hands of the Pakistan Peoples Party, while Karachi’s urban electorate still carries strong historical associations with the MQM-P. Although the PML-N and the PPP maintain a functional working relationship at the federal level, tensions occasionally surface, particularly when questions about administrative authority in Karachi arise. In such circumstances, the governor’s role, though constitutionally limited, often becomes politically sensitive.
Kamran Tessori’s removal has also generated speculation about the immediate trigger behind the decision. Tessori himself hinted that the controversy surrounding the “Karachi Bachao” conference may have played a role. The event, which focused on governance issues in the city, reportedly drew strong reactions from sections of the provincial leadership. Some within the PPP believed the speeches delivered there crossed political red lines and risked fueling public dissatisfaction in Sindh. Whether or not that conference directly led to Tessori’s removal, it certainly intensified the already strained relationship between the MQM-P and the PPP.
In truth, Tessori’s tenure had been controversial from the outset. His appointment in 2022 came during a turbulent phase within the MQM-P, when internal divisions had weakened the party’s organizational cohesion. Following the dramatic events of August 2016, the party had fractured into competing factions, including groups centered in Bahadurabad and PIB Colony. Tessori aligned himself with the faction led by Dr Farooq Sattar, a move that deepened internal rivalries. Only after considerable intervention from influential quarters was his nomination eventually accepted by the broader party structure.
These internal divisions have haunted the MQM-P for years. Once the dominant force in Karachi’s urban politics, the party has struggled to recover the electoral strength it enjoyed in the early 2000s. The roots of its decline lie partly in the disputes that erupted after its founder Altaf Hussain delivered his controversial speech in August 2016 outside the Karachi Press Club, an episode that triggered a sweeping crackdown and led to the formal separation between MQM-Pakistan and MQM-London. The political shockwaves from that moment reshaped the city’s political landscape.
Subsequent developments only compounded the party’s difficulties. Earlier in 2016, several senior MQM leaders including Mustafa Kamal and Anis Qaimkhani had already broken away to form the Pak Sarzameen Party. Though that experiment did not ultimately transform the political scene as dramatically as its founders had hoped, it nonetheless chipped away at the MQM’s once formidable organizational structure.
Against this backdrop, Tessori’s removal is more than a routine administrative decision. For the MQM-P it represents a symbolic loss, because the Governor’s House had long served as an important platform through which the party projected influence in national politics. Over the past four years the office provided a visible reminder that, despite electoral setbacks, the MQM-P remained part of the federal power structure.
Now the party faces a difficult choice. Some voices within its ranks have suggested withdrawing support from the federal coalition government or recalling its ministers as a protest. Others appear more cautious, aware that political leverage often depends on maintaining alliances rather than severing them. Much will depend on what assurances, if any, the federal government offers in return to keep the coalition intact. For Karachi’s politics, the broader question remains unresolved. The governorship in Sindh has often been viewed as a balancing mechanism between the province’s rural and urban constituencies.
With the chief minister typically emerging from rural Sindh, the governor has historically represented urban interests. Whether that informal balance continues under the new arrangement will become clear only over time. What is certain, however, is that the political landscape that once sustained the MQM’s dominance has changed dramatically. Tessori’s departure may not mark the end of the party’s relevance, but it does highlight the long and uncertain road it faces in rebuilding its influence. The MQM-P may be down, as some observers put it, but whether it can recover its former standing is a question that still hangs over Karachi’s political future.
