By Asghar Ali Mubarak
As Iran marks the 47th anniversary of its Islamic Revolution, the ceremonies unfold under a shadow that is impossible to ignore. The slogans, parades and official speeches marking the overthrow of the Shah in February 1979 are this year accompanied by open talk of war, renewed American threats, and urgent diplomatic maneuvering behind closed doors. History, memory and present danger are colliding in a region already stretched by conflict, economic distress and deep mistrust.
The revolution that transformed Iran from a 2,500-year-old monarchy into a theocratic republic was never merely a domestic upheaval. From the moment Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini returned from exile on 1 February 1979, declaring the United States the “Great Satan”, the shockwaves travelled far beyond Tehran. The Shah’s hurried departure weeks earlier, officially described as a vacation but in reality a forced exit, left behind a crumbling state, a divided army and a population mobilized by religious authority. Within days, the old order collapsed. Within months, Iran’s relations with much of the West were fundamentally recast.
Pakistan watched those events closely. It had been among Iran’s closest allies under the Shah and was itself deeply embedded in the US-led regional security order. Yet Islamabad moved quickly to recognize the new Iranian government, becoming the first country to do so. That instinct for early engagement, even amid uncertainty, has resurfaced repeatedly in Pakistan’s dealings with Tehran over the decades, despite long periods of strain, suspicion and outright tension.
Today, that instinct appears to be guiding Pakistan once again. As Iran and the United States edge towards renewed talks aimed at de-escalation and nuclear restraint, Islamabad has emerged as an unexpected but significant participant. Pakistani officials confirmed in early February that the country has been invited to attend forthcoming Iran–US discussions, an invitation extended on the very anniversary of the revolution that first set Tehran and Washington on a collision course.
This is not a ceremonial role. Pakistan is the only country outside the Middle East to be formally included, a fact that senior analysts see as evidence of shifting American calculations. Washington, under pressure to manage multiple crises simultaneously, appears increasingly willing to share the burden of regional diplomacy with trusted intermediaries. For Pakistan, the invitation marks a subtle but meaningful elevation, from discreet facilitator to acknowledged stakeholder.
The symbolism runs deep. Iran was the first country to recognize Pakistan after its creation in 1947. Pakistan returned the gesture in 1979, even as many US allies hesitated. That shared history has not guaranteed smooth relations. The Islamic Revolution altered Iran’s internal and external priorities, while Pakistan’s own trajectory under General Zia-ul-Haq in the 1980s introduced sectarian dynamics that strained ties. The promotion of a particular Sunni identity in Pakistan coincided with rising Shia–Sunni violence, some of it fueled by regional rivalries that played out on Pakistani streets.
Afghanistan further complicated the picture. During the anti-Soviet jihad, Tehran and Islamabad backed different factions. In the 1990s, Pakistan recognized the Taliban, while Iran supported the Northern Alliance. The killing of Iranian diplomats in Mazar-e-Sharif in 1998 brought Tehran and Kabul to the brink of war and deepened Iran’s distrust of Pakistan’s regional policies. Yet even then, diplomatic relations were never severed. Channels remained open, sustained by the recognition on both sides that geography and necessity leave little room for permanent estrangement.
That reality is most visible along the 909-kilometre border between Pakistan’s Balochistan province and Iran’s Sistan-Baluchistan. The frontier has long been porous and volatile, shaped by smuggling, militancy and the grievances of marginalized Baloch communities. Both countries have accused each other of harboring hostile groups. Iran has pointed to Jaish Adl; Pakistan has cited cross-border infiltration and, most damagingly, the case of Indian spy Kulbhushan Jadhav, who entered Pakistan via Iran.
Despite this, cooperation has often prevailed over confrontation. Pakistani security forces have assisted Iran in recovering kidnapped border guards and arresting militant leaders. Iran, for its part, has generally resisted calls to internationalize disputes with Pakistan. Even the sharp exchange of airstrikes in January 2024, when both countries targeted militant camps across the border, was followed by rapid diplomatic engagement and a conscious effort to prevent escalation.
It is against this backdrop that Pakistan’s participation in Iran–US talks must be understood. Islamabad is pursuing a careful balancing act: maintaining functional relations with Tehran while preserving strategic partnerships with Washington and key Arab states. This is not ideological alignment but pragmatic diplomacy, rooted in the understanding that instability in Iran would reverberate directly into Pakistan through refugees, energy shocks and security spillover.
(The writer is a senior journalist covering various beats, can be reached at editorial@metro-morning.com)
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