By Faraz Jamali
As widely recognized, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) remains the largest political party in Sindh. It was founded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto on 30 November 1967, and since then it has consistently been seen as the dominant political and governing force in the province. The PPP is not only a major party in Sindh but also one of the largest political parties in Pakistan. However, since the focus here is Sindh, it is fair to say that the PPP continues to hold central political power in the province.
Although the party was created by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, it cannot simply be treated as a family asset, as parts of his own family have remained in strict political opposition to it. This internal dynamic became visible after Bhutto’s era, whether through Benazir Bhutto’s political struggle with her brother Murtaza Bhutto, or his killing during her government. Above all, history shows that Benazir Bhutto and Mir Murtaza Bhutto were never politically aligned, with clearly divergent political paths.
However, today the discussion is not centered on Benazir or her brother Murtaza, but rather on Benazir’s son, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, and Murtaza’s son, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Junior. In the current political landscape, Bilawal appears to have moved several steps ahead of Zulfikar Junior politically, as the so-called political legacy of the Bhutto family was passed through Benazir and eventually reached Bilawal. His father, Asif Ali Zardari, the incumbent President of Pakistan and widely regarded as a kingmaker in politics, also plays a significant role in Bilawal’s political mentorship.
This, however, is a quite different version of the PPP under Bilawal and Zardari, one that has markedly deviated from ZA Bhutto and Benazir’s PPP. It is often perceived as being shaped more by the Zardari political approach. For a large section of the public, it is no longer considered an “awami” or people-centric PPP, but rather one associated with capitalist and feudal interests. At the same time, the Bilawal-led version remains the strongest in terms of political power, having stayed in government in Sindh for the past 17 years.
This PPP is undoubtedly strong in both financial and political terms, but it is not widely viewed as “awami”. The majority of people have not seen it pursue land reforms in the manner associated with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, nor has it been seen prioritizing women’s empowerment in the way Benazir once emphasized. If anything, critics argue that its primary focus has been the retention of power at any cost. Whether in terms of literary heritage or broader civilizational expression, it is no longer seen at the same cultural and intellectual level.
Undoubtedly, corruption remains a challenge, but it is argued that under the current PPP government in Sindh it has, at times, appeared to move from the bottom upwards. In several state institutions, rather than a fear of accountability, there are perceptions of impunity. In contrast with Punjab or Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where an “eat and spend” policy is often described, in Sindh only “eat” is visible, and for this reason infrastructure development has lagged significantly behind.
There is also a second strand of the party associated with Murtaza Bhutto, who formed his own political faction. His political career was relatively short but marked by a bold and confrontational style, whether in direct clashes with the state or in opposition to his own sister’s government. His approach was consistently aggressive and uncompromising. Although he is no longer alive, his political legacy is being carried forward by his son, Zulfikar Junior.
Politically, he is not yet a dominant figure in Sindh, but socially he continues to contribute through public service. Whether through HIV awareness campaigns, the “Save the Bhulan” initiative, or by raising his voice on women’s rights and broader human rights issues, he is gradually becoming more visible in public life. This is generally seen as a positive development for his political trajectory, although there remains a clear need for a strong opposition in Sindh, something widely acknowledged as currently missing. It is possible that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Junior may soon begin to fill that gap.
In the next decade, it may be that Sindh’s political space is shaped by two major forces drawn from the Bhutto lineage itself. We continue to see Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Junior’s “awami” version in the media and on social platforms, while another possibility is the emergence of a fourth iteration of the current PPP, a version that Bilawal Bhutto Zardari may eventually launch independently after the era of Asif Ali Zardari comes to an end. Regardless of the version or political configuration, the underlying hope remains unchanged: improvement, a more prosperous and educated Sindh, and a province freed from feudal dominance and corruption. That outcome still appears difficult, but not impossible.
(The writer has done his BBA from Bahria University Karachi, currently running his private business in a foreign country. He can be reached at editorial@metro-morning.com)
