By Professor Dr. S K Akram Ali
When a country undergoes war, revolution or political transformation, “national reconstruction strategies” are often adopted to rebuild the state in line with the hopes and aspirations of its people. Bangladesh’s history has seen numerous such initiatives across different periods, yet each time the nation has faced severe challenges, ultimately failing to fully achieve its stated goals. Political leaders are frequently held responsible for this, and in the past, public suffering has tended to deepen with each cycle of disruption. As a result, the people of Bangladesh have long struggled to achieve any definitive or lasting success. The first major shift came in 1947 with the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan.
Following the deaths of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan, the newborn country encountered political setbacks at the very beginning of its journey. Moreover, the rise of the Awami League posed a challenge to the Muslim League’s dominance in East Pakistan. Nation-building efforts began in both wings of Pakistan, and people, particularly in East Pakistan—who were comparatively more economically and socially disadvantaged than those in the West—held hopes for a better future. However, what was widely described as a politics of conspiracy hindered meaningful progress, eventually paving the way for military rule in 1958. Throughout the Ayub era, democratic practices remained stagnant, yet nation-building efforts, particularly in East Pakistan, progressed rapidly.
In 1974, the country experienced a devastating famine that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives. This tragedy foreshadowed the fall of the government in August 1975. Although multiple factors contributed, one widely cited reason was the establishment of one-party rule under BAKSAL, which was seen by critics as contrary to the spirit of independence and popular aspirations. The social fabric became increasingly polarized, and the scope for genuine nation-building narrowed considerably. Consequently, governance and reconstruction efforts weakened further, and public hostility towards the state intensified until the emergence of the Zia era.
In this regard, the Zia administration secured support from the United States, China and several Muslim-majority countries, which strengthened its capacity to implement reforms. The Ershad era largely continued similar developmental approaches, but it is also widely criticized for undermining democratic governance. His rule is often compared to Ayub Khan’s “Decade of Development”. Later, although the Khaleda Zia government faced significant political pressure, it continued to pursue elements of state-building. However, during the subsequent years, particularly under the Awami League’s long tenure, opposition parties such as the BNP and Jamaat were effectively excluded from mainstream political participation, according to critics of the period.
During this time, Bangladesh became increasingly aligned with India, while political polarization deepened and national consensus weakened. Critics argue that institutional development and inclusive nation-building were largely sidelined. Against this backdrop, many viewed the political changes associated with what is referred to as the July Revolution of 2024 as a turning point, carrying expectations of renewed political restructuring. The interim administration associated with Dr Muhammad Yunus is said to have introduced certain frameworks for reform and national rebuilding, though progress was limited due to lack of cooperation from major political forces. Nevertheless, its emphasis on free and fair elections, referendums and the proposed “July Charter” is viewed by supporters as a step towards political normalization.
Attention is now shifting towards the emergence of a new political government under Tarique Rahman, with expectations that it will take up the task of national reconstruction. In this post-revolution context, there are calls for a structured five-year plan grounded in clear strategic priorities. It is argued that national reconstruction has become an urgent and unavoidable necessity. Drawing from earlier models associated with Ziaur Rahman, proponents suggest that a renewed planning framework must be developed. Over the past sixteen years, society is described by some commentators as having suffered from declining confidence and institutional paralysis.
The Ministry of Planning, it is suggested, would require major restructuring and activation under experienced leadership, supported by technocrats and economists, including figures such as Dr Moyeen Khan, Dr Osman Faruk and Dr Reza Kibria. There are also calls to engage intellectuals from both domestic and international contexts to formulate a comprehensive national strategy. The first proposed strategy focuses on national unity, aiming to bring together all social classes through programs that promote cohesion and solidarity. It is argued that earlier political narratives such as “Bangladeshi nationalism” played a unifying role and strengthened shared identity. The second strategy emphasizes education and cultural development.
The final principle stresses political cooperation between the government and opposition on matters of national interest. It is argued that inclusive governance is essential, and that opposition parties must be allowed to operate in a constructive political environment. Any shift towards authoritarian governance, it is warned, could destabilize an already fragile transitional period. It is further noted that the country remains in a period of uncertainty, with both internal and external pressures shaping its political trajectory. Statements from senior political figures regarding the July Revolution have been interpreted by supporters as affirmations of national sovereignty and political renewal. Ultimately, the success of any national reconstruction strategy will depend on timely decisions, institutional discipline and sustained political will.
(The writer is an academic and political commentator in Bangladesh and can be reached at editorial@metro-morning.com)
