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    Home»EDITORIAL»Power must yield to diplomacy
    EDITORIAL

    Power must yield to diplomacy

    adminBy adminNovember 11, 2026Updated:November 12, 2026No Comments
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    Global politics has reached a critical juncture where military power, electoral outcomes, domestic political turmoil and diplomatic calculations are increasingly shaping one another. From Washington’s corridors of power to Tehran’s political centers, and from Israel’s shifting political landscape to Doha’s diplomatic channels, developments point to a crisis that extends far beyond a confrontation between two countries. At stake are established notions of power, regional dominance and the future shape of the international order.

    US President Donald Trump’s suggestion that the possibility of military strikes against Iran could diminish significantly if negotiations make progress appears, at first glance, to offer a narrow opening for diplomacy. Yet Tehran’s insistence that no negotiations are under way has cast doubt on the prospect of an early breakthrough. This contradiction lies at the heart of the current crisis. Although neither side may wish to face the consequences of a wider war, both remain reluctant to compromise on what they regard as essential national interests and security concerns.

    The confrontation between Washington and Tehran did not emerge from recent developments alone. It is rooted in a complex web of disputes involving Iran’s nuclear program, regional influence, economic sanctions, maritime security and the balance of power across the Middle East. Trump’s statement that military action would become highly unlikely if negotiations advanced is politically significant, but declarations alone cannot resolve such a deeply entrenched conflict. Meaningful diplomacy requires confidence-building measures, credible guarantees and practical commitments from both sides. Iranian foreign minister Abbas Araghchi’s rejection of claims about diplomatic progress following the US midterm elections, as well as reports of visits by mediators, suggests that the diplomatic process remains stalled.

    The economic and geopolitical consequences of this impasse are equally serious. Iraq’s foreign minister, Fuad Hussein, disclosed that Washington had called for the closure of border crossings with Iran, apart from two routes. The reported demand illustrates how economic pressure is being used as an instrument in the wider confrontation. However, expanding restrictions does not affect the targeted country alone. Neighboring states, cross-border trade, local economies and established regional connections also suffer.

    Any further pressure on economic relations between Iran and Iraq would ultimately be felt by ordinary people and businesses on both sides of the border. Such measures risk turning an already volatile political dispute into a broader economic crisis. The danger is not confined to land routes. Reports of an oil tanker catching fire after striking a sea mine east of the Strait of Hormuz have raised fresh concerns about the security of international energy supplies. The strait is one of the world’s most important arteries for oil shipments. Any major confrontation in these waters could trigger sharp increases in oil prices, higher maritime insurance premiums, rising shipping costs and renewed uncertainty across global markets. Protecting this vital passage from military escalation must therefore be a shared responsibility of all countries with an interest in regional and international stability.

    Against this increasingly dangerous backdrop, Qatar’s diplomatic role offers a possible route towards de-escalation. The proposed White House meeting between Trump and Qatar’s prime minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, carries particular significance because Doha has sought to maintain channels of communication between Washington and Tehran. Qatar’s strategic location, close relationship with the United States and regional ties with Iran give it an unusual diplomatic position. It can potentially serve as a bridge between two adversaries whose direct engagement has become increasingly difficult.

    Yet mediation cannot succeed through meetings and expressions of optimism alone. It requires political flexibility, mutually acceptable terms and a willingness to rebuild trust. Other influential regional countries, including Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye, can also contribute to a peaceful settlement. Pakistan’s diplomatic experience, geographical proximity to Iran and established relations with Gulf countries place it in a position to support efforts to reduce tensions. Regional governments must recognize that their diplomatic influence should be used to contain the conflict rather than allow it to spread.

    Meanwhile, domestic political developments in the United States could have important consequences for the direction of its foreign policy. The electoral setbacks suffered by Trump’s political movement have exposed internal disagreements and prompted questions about its political strategy. The debate over whether aggressive nationalism and confrontational politics have weakened the movement itself represents a potentially significant moment in American political life.

    When a substantial section of a political movement’s own supporters begins questioning its direction, leadership cannot rely indefinitely on emotional appeals and political slogans to preserve its authority. The Democrats’ announcement that they would investigate the roles of Elon Musk and Stephen Miller if they secured greater power in Congress also reflects growing demands for accountability within the American political system. The dismissal of federal employees, the exercise of executive authority and the legality of immigration policies could increasingly become subjects of institutional scrutiny rather than remain confined to partisan debate. The Trump administration may therefore face mounting pressure to defend its decisions before Congress while dealing with the wider political consequences of its policies.

    Electoral setbacks can also influence foreign policy by creating pressure for greater restraint. Military campaigns, overseas defence spending, energy prices and economic uncertainty eventually affect ordinary American voters. When public priorities center on inflation, employment, domestic security and economic stability, prolonged confrontations abroad can become a political liability. No administration can indefinitely ignore the domestic cost of an expansive foreign policy.

    However, it would be misleading to assume that an electoral defeat automatically produces an immediate change in Washington’s international priorities. The institutional interests of the American state, the influence of the defence industry, commitments to allies and strategic calculations in the Middle East are not easily altered by a single election. A changed balance of power in Congress may nevertheless strengthen legislative oversight of presidential decisions and create greater political space for diplomatic solutions. Israel, too, is experiencing a potentially significant political shift. Benjamin Netanyahu’s reported loss of a parliamentary majority and the invitation extended to opposition leader and former army chief Gadi Eisenkot to form a government point to a new phase in Israeli politics. Eisenkot’s efforts to bring Likud and elements of the far right into a possible coalition underline the extent to which the country’s political future is now shaped not merely by party loyalties but also by competing visions of leadership, national security and the direction of its military policies.

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